MUNICIPALITY OF TAYUM, Historical Data Part III - Philippine Historical Data MUNICIPALITY OF TAYUM, Historical Data Part III - Philippine Historical Data


Municipality of Tayum



About these Historical Data

[p. 18]

In 1915, Catholic Schools were opened in the barrios of Tayum. The Patucannay Catholic School had two teachers teaching all the four primary grades. The Basbasa School had also two teachers teaching the first three primary grades. The Gaddani School, the Bagalay School, the Bumagcat School had one teacher each teaching two of the primary grades. The Ticker-Budac School had also two teachers. One by one, the schools, all the barrio schools, were closed due to lack of funds because of the crisis caused by the First World War. In 1944, there were Catholic Schools in Barrio Bumagcat, Barrio Budac, and Barrio Pias, but all were forced to close during the War of Liberation. In 1945, the schools at Budac and Bumagcat were again opened, and now only the Bumagcat School, which is a catechetical school is functioning. The classes are held in the concrete chapel of the barrio.

In the barrios and in the town before these private schools were opened, there were groups of children studying [the] Cartilla, Ofrecimiento, and Catecismo, some Writing, some Arithmetic, in private homes where one old man or woman acted as teacher or tutor. After finishing the Cartilla, the child's parents had to pay one peso, regardless of the number of weeks or months it took him to finish the booklet. Upon being able to read the Ofrecimiento, the pupil had to pay a salapi (60 centavos), and after completing the Catecismo, one "binting: (25 centavos). Besides this cash payment, some teachers also received one bundle of rice from each pupil or ten bundles of corn after the corn harvest, or both. The older ones had to help in the house of the teacher in such work as carrying water from the well, bringing up fuel or watching the cooking pot, or caring for the baby. The brighter ones had to help the poorer ones in reading their cartilla.

These private schools kept up the interest in the 4-R’s (Religion, Reading,'Riting, and 'Rithmetic) until the opening of the regular schools, both Catholic Institutions and Public Schools. That explains in some way why literacy, even in the barrios, is high.


(a) The Tayum Elementary School or Central School

In 1907, Mr. Prisco Martinez of Bangued, with one lady teacher also of Bangued, were sent to open the first public school under the American Regime in this Municipality of Tayum, Abra. The classes were held in what was in Spanish Times called the "Escuela de Niños." The older pupils who already knew how to read and write in Ilocano and some Spanish, were quickly accelerated to the second grade.

In 1908, Mr. Teodoro Brillantes and Miss Sabina Terrenal were placed as teachers. Many children and some of the older ones, who were the year before studying under Father Mariano Corpus, were enrolled. The following year, a temporary building had to be made in one corner of the plaza. The supervisor, one Mr. McVey, saw the need for a bigger school building. A new school site wide enough for the growing school population was bought. The new site is on the edge of the town and bordering the national highway. On this lot was built the first concrete building which is popularly known as "Gabaldon" (in honor of Representative Gabaldon whose bill in the First Philippine Assembly made possible the building of strong-material, standard-roomed school houses in rural places). The cornerstone of this building bears the year 1914. From this school came many career students, some of whom are already lawyers, nurses, and teachers. In 1931, when Mr. Eriberto Leanza was the Municipal president, the

[p. 19]

Intermediate Building built entirely of wood and roofed with galvanized iron, and which was started during the incumbency of President Jose Cariño, was completed. The year 1937 is a year of expansion, for in the course of that year the Home Economics Building and the Shop were erected. The rush to school after "liberation" gave the Central School a more stable school population in the upper grades.

(b) The Ananaao School

This is one of the latest barrio schools te be opened. The school stands on a wide lot donated by the late Mr. Galicano Millare, to which is recently added additional ground by his sons. It was opened in 1939. Since the Catholic School at the village of Budac was closed, more pupils now study in this school. At present there are two teachers, but it is supposed to need more in the coming years.

(c) The Bagalay School

The present school was opened in June 1818. Two teachers teaching the four primary grades held classes in a wooden building roofed with galvanized iron standing on a lot donated by Vicenta Caballo and Osmundo Agaid. It is near the National Road to Lagangilang, but cannot be seen from the highway.

In the year 1905, a government school was established in Bagalay. Mr. Lucas Magno was the first teacher. He was succeeded in 1906 by Mr. Jose Astudillo. After 1909, the government school was closed.

(In 1911, the parish priest sent Maestro Manuel Balmaceda to teach in Bagalay. During the school years 1916-17 and 1917-18, Miss Leonor Cariño was teaching under the support of the Parish Priest of Tayum.)

Most of the people in this barrio can read Ilocano, and only among the women of the older generation can one find persons who can read but are ignorant of the art of writing. The eagerness of the people to get enough education for their simple needs is explained by the almost continuous presence of teachers since the Spanish Times to this date.

(d) The Basbasa School at Palpal

In 1925, when Mr. Jose Cariño was the Municipal President of Tayum, a suitable school site that was donated by the Tacis Family was found in the village of Palpal, barrio Basbasa. The school was a one-teacher barrio school until 1948. From 1948-49, the Basbasa School became a complete elementary school, and now four teachers teaching six grades are in charge of the instruction in this barrio school. The enrollment rose from 32 in 1948 to 205 in 1952-1953.

(The Catholic School established at Basbasa proper continued until 1925, when lack of funds forced it to be closed.)

The continuous presence of schools — Catholic private schools and now the public barrio schools — account for a good percentage of literacy in this barrio of scattered small villages.

[p. 20]

(e) The Pagpagatpat School

This is the latest barrio school to be opend in Tayum. In 1949, a school in Pagpagatpat was opened. The lot was donated by the Tejero family. The opening of this school supersedes the one opened at Bumagcat before the Japanese Occupation. The barrio school at Bumagcat had to be closed for lack of building and weakened interest of the residents of the village. However, education in that village is being carried as a catechetical project of the Catholic Parish Priest since 1916. This accounts for a high percentage of literacy in this barrio Bumagcat that also includes Pagpagatpat, where the public barrio school is located, and Lucbong.

The Pagpagatpat School is a one-teacher barrio school.

(f) The Patucannay School

The Patucannay School was the third barrio public school opened in Tayum. The building stands on a lot bounded by the National Highway. It was a one-teacher barrio school since 1919 until 1950, when a second teacher was assigned.

At Patucannay School was the third barrio public school opened in Tayum. The building stands on a lot bounded by the National Highway. It was a one-teacher barrio school since 1919 until 1950, when a second teacher was assigned.

At Patucannay, Tayum, there was a two-teacher Catholic School that continued to operate years after the opening of the public school, and it was closed due to lack of funds in 1925.

Since Patucannay is only a couple of kilometers from either Bangued or Tayum, many could continue their schooling in either town. Many teachers, some nurses and lawyers, and a good number of soldiers are from this barrio. Literacy in this barrio is high.

(g) The Velasco School

The first barrio school in Tayum is the Velasco School. It was in existence since 1911 as a one-teacher barrio school until it became a four-teacher complete elementary school in 1947. The lot on which the school buildings were erected was donated by Mr. Nicomedes Balderama, now dead. The opening of this school is a blessing not only to the inhabitants of Velasco but also to those living in the villages of Acito, Paras, Dongadong, Pongdasan, Maraboob, and Lengleng — all far away from any of the two provincial roads from Bangued to Bucay or from Tayum to Bucay. Until 1929, no four-wheeled vehicle reached this place; and even until now, only a dirt road which is impassable during the rainy days connect the school site to the old road to Bucay.

The greatest pride of the Velasco School is the fact that it helped in the early education of no less than two ordained Catholic Priests and some teachers NOW in service.

[p. 21]



(1) Births

Deliveries in hospitals are not popular in Tayum to this day due to [the] lack of hospitals and the high cost in cash. The attendance of "parteras" (midwives) is sought in almost all child deliveries.

After the delivery, the mother has to undergo through [thorough?] traditional unwritten customs which differ a litle with each family. This consists of the kind of "dalagan" (bamboo bed) to be used and at what inclination it is to be placed, the number of days the mother has to drink warm water and also the temperature of the water for drinking and bathing, and a list of foods the mother cannot eat. (Some essential foods, as eggs, are even considered not good for the mother of a child recently born.) Any mistake in following these traditional customs cause "teg-an," a special name for tuberculosis which begins with the weakened condition of a nursing mother lacking proper subsistence. The child is not fed at regular intervals but whenever it cries.

When a child is not yet baptized, there should be a continuous little light burning throughout the night; a big bolo or a sharp edged wood called "daligan" is placed beside the child's bed to ward off the devil. Before the umbilicus is removed, a continuous "anglem," which is burning cord made of old clothes, is kept sending out its smoke and odor to hasten the separation of the umbilicus from the belly. It is noteworthy to mention that with the exception of those who deliver in hospitals, this practice is religiously followed.

(2) Baptisms

In Spanish Times, a child had to be baptized [on] the first Saturday afer his birth whenever possible. The name of the saint whose feast was celebrated on the day of [the] baptism was given as the name of everyone of the children baptized on that particular Saturday, thus, all the boys would all be named Juan and all the girls Juana if they happened to be baptized on December 27th.

Nowadays, the parents usually select the patron saint on the day of birth, not anymore of baptism; and it is the parents who select the name, not anymore the priest who baptizes. However, when parents select names which are not names of saints, the priest adds a saint's hame of his own selection. The influence of European-American traditions can best be seen in hearing many children called "Junior," meaning they get the name of the parent. Some are also influenced by non-Catholics and name their children with occurrence as "Warlita" during the war, "Gloria" on Easter, etc.

Sponsors are selected not so much for spiritual reasons but rather more for material or social considerations. Anyone who offers to be a sponsor before the child is born ("tampa" is the Ilocano term here), is especially liked if he or she is able to give a valuable "buisit" (the gift); hence, candidates, officials, merchants, producers, salt-makers, teachers, salaried employees, etc., get more chances of being sponsors than close relatives who will know how to care for the spiritual needs of the child. In conversations, one often hears men addressed as "Pari," which is shortening of "compari," the Ilocano term for "compadre;" and with women, it is not unusual to hear them talking as "Mari," derived from "co-madre."

[p. 22]

One addressed to be as "Pari" or "Mari" very often is not a true godparent of their children, but one addressed to as "Compadre," if male, or "Atanud," if female, was really a sponsor.

Sponsors usually tie with a piece of thread a coin on the dress of the child when brought for the first time in the sponsor's home. And this is also done even by all relatives whose houses are first visited by the child. Sponsors usually give gifts, in kind, to the parents of the child when the child is taken for a visit during Christmas, or the sponsor visits the child during that season. And the parents also reciprocate.


Until the first twenty years of this century, there were very few runaway marriages ("Agtalaw"). The introduction of civil marriage that could be performed in any place and at any time of the day, although looked upon with skepticism, led to many abuses of the sanctity of marriage. Before the introduction of civil marriage, all "agtalaw" landed at the sacristy and thence to a sacramental marriage and a happy home.

(1) Courtship

Courtship was a noble secret. No young man ever boasted of having won the consent ("natulagan") of any young lady to marry him; neither did any young man refer to the lady as his "novia" (spouse) until the day of marriage. Young people who loved each other avoided to be seen going together alone and were seldom seen conversing intimately.


When a young man was sure of the love of the giri, he asked his father to prepare a danon. Or, if the parents of a young man, for reasons of their own, wish their child to many into a certain family, they prepare a "danon." DANON consists in writing a "love letter" to the parents of a certain girl and has the letter sent by a special courier, usually an uncle or auntie. That letter is known as "billiete." If the social standing of the young man, as well as his character and wealth, are favorable, the family receiving the "billiete" makes no answer. A week after sending the first letter, the family of the young man prepares or sends a "pasaronson," a second letter urging the lady's family to accept them. The lady's family would then send also by courier a letter stating if they can "sumbrec" (enter into negotiations) or close the matter by giving an evasive excuse. Upon getting a favorable answer, the family of the young man secures the services of one of the old men of their families as principal spokesman, and the family of the lady also gathers an array of their relatives and designates one of the older men as spokesman.

On the first day of [the] meeting of both parties, the conversation is in the form of riddles and counter riddles. In olden times, this kind of exchanging riddles wasted the time of even as much as four meetings before anything substantial entered into the conversations. In these meetings, the dowry was arranged, then the details of the marriage feast — what part of the house was to be fixed or repaired, how many lives (of animals) were to be butchered, and when and where it would be held.

[p. 23]


Everything having been arranged, the two parties then had a last formal meeting called "patiam," in which the list of the dowry and the real contract would be drawn up and written on durable paper. At this occasion, feeding usually began. The "sab-ong" listed usually consists of (1) a sum of money to be given to the parents of the lady, (2) pieces of riceland and cornland and their descriptions, (3) large cattle, (4) a house, (8) a box "nga adda cerradurana" — which could be locked, (6) some quantities of rice or money to be given to the newlyweds when "these contracts" would be fulfilled and the two would receive the "seventh sacrament of Mother Church."


When everything was arranged and the document signed by the parents of the male party, attested to by their relatives present, and handed to the parents of the female party, the young man and the young woman were accompanied by their elders and friends to the Parish Rectory (Convento). The priest listed their names, told them when the bans would be proclaimed publicly in church, and the date of the wedding and other details about that date. The priest would then give them an allocution of their duties after examining them in their knowledge of Christian Doctrine, and they are then "bethrothed." If this was a runaway case, the young lady was placed in a respectable home where the young man might freely visit her, but they never lived together yet. If the case was a parent's choice only, the young lady would just turn down her eyes and raise them only to steal once in a while a glance at the young man. In any case, the young man was supposed not to say anything, except to answer the priest.


On the eve of the wedding party ("boda"), the "bangsal" must have been widened and strengthened, a "balawbaw" of green leaves placed as temporary shed over the bangsal and the paraangan (yard), the dishes, the pots and pans, the rice and animals to be butchered, water filled jars, decoration of the home, etc. are all to be finished. On one corner of the house "a pagbobodaan" was erected an altar with a canopy of richly embroidered or woven blankets, decorated with artificial flowers and paper ribbons. One wall of the house was usually removed to give a wider view of the interior. A little dancing might be indulged in before going to bed.

On the day of the wedding, the bride and the groom, accompanied by their relatives, went to church before the time of Holy Mass. The marriage ceremonies commenced, interspersed with music and [the] ringing of bells when the families could afford the extra cost, and all attended mass devoutly. When the "bridal veil" was placed covering the shoulders of the groom and the head of the bride, two ladies from the congregation usually went to pin the veil on the clothes of the bride and groom.

Going home from the church, an umbrella was carried over the head of the bride and another over the groom. They went together but not arm in arm. At the foot of the stairs, both stopped so that they can go up the "agdan" stepping as one. At the head of the stairs, a boy and a girl hands to each of them a lighted candle which they carried and set at the prepared altar under the "langitiangit" canopy. They could kneel down while the musicians and singers sang the "Alabado," which

[p. 24]

was a parting song to the Blessed and to the Immaculate Mother. Tha signified the end of the wedding ceremony. The bride and groom then rose and sought their parents and grandparents, who [then] gave them their blessings, often accompanied with tears of joy which could not be controlled, or bring reminiscences of relatives gone to the other life.


Before dinner was served, the elders of both the groom and the bride sat down on a (round) table to receive the "paluad" bridal gifts of the relatives of both parties. First came the "manganac" or special witnesses to the marriage who each gave at least a round peso in coin. While the giving of palaud was going on and being listed on legal paper, a man would spin from time to time one of the peso coins on a large plate, the sound of which was enough reminder to all relatives to bring their gifts. Still, the man assigned to spin the coin called from time to time an outloud call saying, "Cabagian, partes, agpautang ken agbayad, umaycayon!" It was an unwritten law that when on one's wedding, the family of either bride or groom gave a peseta as a gift, that family was, this time, obliged to give also a peseta as his gift.

When all had given their gifts and the list legally signed by the elders sitting at the round table, the bride and groom approached them and, while standing near the table, the chief of the elders handed to the bride two corners of the handkerchief in which all the cash "paluad" were placed, and the other two were given to the groom. Then, the chief rocked the money as he would a baby in a cradle while he called down upon the young couple blessings of wealth and many children, as well as peace and patience with each other.


The "boda" or wedding party was usually held at the bride's home. If the groom's house or the house stated as the dowry was near, the young couple would be escorted by their relatives and guests to their new home before they went home in the evening. This was known as the "patan-aw" — supposed to be the first time the bride saw her new home,

At the head of the stairs, two lighted candles would again be handed to the new couple who climbed up as one — meaning at the same cadence — and the candles would again be fixed on the temporary altar prepared but not decorated. As they knelt down, some prayers were said. After the short prayer, the groom rose up and handed the key to his box — that box stated in the dowry list — and the bride, rising up, went to open the locked box and inspect the groom's clothes therein. While the inspection was going on, and the bride was supposed to do this kneeling, her mother-in-law would be oiling her new daughter's head with fresh coconut oil. It was a ceremony very appropriate and impressive and, whenever possible, that ceremony of "patan’aw" should not be missed. Brides who were even forced by their parents usually reacted to the kind anointing of their mother-in-law who usually became a real "mother" to her from that time.

All these precautions taken at the "danon," through the ceremonies on the day of marriage, till the anointing on the day of the "patan-aw," all helped to instill into the newlywed couple the sanctity of their state. The indissoluble marriage was the pride and the strength of the Filipine Family. Families who satisfied their pleasures by going into divorce, were and would never be happy and contented as before.

[p. 25]


When one dies in the house, all the drinking water at the jars at the time of death were ordered to be thrown away. "Nakideman" (Eye was closed on them) was an expression denoting that the water and other articles of food were supposed to be contaminated with the sickness of the deceased.

If the corpse stayed ovemight in the home, a long-fire was kept in the yard at the foot or near the staircase. Before the use of kerosene lamps, this bonfire was necessary; and in order not to miss it, the belief that the fire would drive away evil spirits was attached to it. At the head of the corpse is kept to this day a vigil light burning day and night until the corpse is carried away to the church to the cemetery.

Old people did not like to be buried in coffins, and there was a saying that those put in coffins had to carry their coffins to the plain of Josaphat on the day of judgment. The corpse would be carried to the cemetery in a common "andas" or bier, or a "tarimban" or bamboo bed of green bamboo had to be hastily made for carrying the dead. At the cemetery the corpse would be wrapped with a blanket and a big mat and lowered into the pit. All those who went to the cemetery would each took a clod or some soil and dropped that into the grave, and in that manner they also could say that they had performed the work of mercy "bury the dead." Nowadays, there is hardly anyone buried without a wooden "lungon" bier. Before closing the coffin, the children kiss the hands of their dead parent, the husband shakes hands with his wife if he does not like to kiss it publicly, and the parents give their last blessing.

Because of the hot climate, remedies have been tried to prevent [the] quick deterioration of the corpse. First, it was given a warm bath soon after death; wetted lime applied on the belly, a piece of lead placed on the teeth between the lips, and a basin of cold water placed under the bed of the corpse — would preserve the flesh for at least 24 hours. For longer periods, an official embalmer would be summoned.

The ninth day after the burial is a commemoration day for the dead. Relatives will again be invited to the home left by the deceased and their novena is ended ("maicasiam"). During the nine days, relatives have kept wakes in the home until late at night. It is during these wakes that the old people claim to have seen or heard "al-alda" of the dead.

On the first anniversary of the death of an adult, a special feast called "Wacsi" is prepared. The family requests a mass to be said for the dead, hence this is also called "Pamisa," especially if it is not the first anniversary. The novena prayers are recited in the home before midday, sometimes to the accompaniment of violins and guitars, and after dinner is served, dancing is indulged in. The household relatives of the dead change their black mourning clothes to gay ones, and must all join in the dancing to throw off "wacsi" [and end] their mourning.


Whipping was the most common punishment. "Al banco, treinta palos," was already [a] terrible whipping while one laid flat face down on the bench. It was painful, but since the whip had to be laid on the fleshy part of the thigh, no bone was ever broken.

[p. 26]

In the old Tribunal (Sp. for the Municipal Building), there were "tul-ongan" (stocks) with holes big enough for the ankles of both feet set apart, and in that position locked.

There was only one case of public execution in Tayum during the Spanish Regime. That was usually referred to as "Pannacabitay ni Andong," for the man's name was Alejandro,

A sculptor-painter hired to work and repair the artistic altars of the church, in a fit of jealousy, killed a woman carrying on her arms a baby who could stillhardly walk. That happened after the High Mass at a corner of the plaza in front of the church and witnessed by many people. The murderer was arrested, tried, and sentenced to atone his guilt with his own life. A "verdugo" was sent to execute him, and on a day appointed, after the mass, the prisoner was led to a platform raised on the very spot where he killed the woman. After the official proceedings before executing the prisoner, the "verdugo" covered the victim's face with a kerchief and touched the lever that caused the man to hang in air until pronounced dead. Such a spectacle filled many breasts with fear of committing the like crime. Fear of the Law!

The common kind of punishment is in the form of fines and imprisonment. In a poor town as Tayum is, a fine of even only five pesos, is a burden on the family, which usually means more privations in food. An imprisonment means more worry to a family who has to go to bring the prisoner food and clothing. The local prison rooms have no floors, no beds, no comforts. Men found on the streets after ten o'clock in the night without a good excuse or without "cedula," were locked up until morning. Trespasses oh municipal ordinances were quickly judged, and the punishments of either fines or imprisonment were imposed and complied with. Justice was not and should not be delayed. As also true these days, many cases are settled out of court, but only before the executive of [the] town who counsels both parties and decides the case like a father.


1. BUYON {clairvoyance)

Clairvoyance was practiced with the use of a blessed candle. The clairvoyant lit the candle, recited the creed, and watched the movements of the flame, [then] acted as if in a trance. Then, he began to describe the place where the lost object, say a carabao, could be found. The description could be so specific that the owner of the lost object was very much pleased; but many times, it might be so vague that it could be anywhere.

Another clairvoyant might use just a small coin as a ten-centavo piece. Mumbling some prayers, the clairvoyant would now take the coin and went to a framed picture, say the picture of our Lady of the Holy Rosary under glass. At a certain point in her prayers, she began to press with her thumb the coin against the glass. Calling suspected names of persons who might have or who might have taken the object, say a ring, she pressed the coin. When the coin butted the vacuum caused by the pressure of the thumb, stuck on the glass, the name she called at that moment was supposed to be the one sought for.

Clairvoyants also claim the power to heal sicknesses. The simplest form is called "ud-udong." The clairvoyant would get an "ungot" (shell cup) half-filled

[p. 27]

with water. Then she husks nine grains of rice. Then, she begins to recite a prayer and [at] a certain point in her prayer, dashes the nine grains of rice into the cup of water. Then, she talks as in this manner, "You see (showing to the parents of the sick child, for example) those grains indicate a road, and that one grain represents the object the child got afraid of..." The parents will be convinced, the face of the child is bathed with the water in the cup, and lulled to sleep. Waking up in due time, the child is oftentimes fresh and well again, after the quiet rest. Another form of this clairvoyance is with the use of alum heated and dashed into water. The alum assumes a shape and interpreted as of an object or animal which frightened the child. That is called "stantiguar."

It is not surprising to hear of clairvoyants claiming ability to cure those sick of what they call "napaidaman" or "nagamud" and those who are supposed to be "an-annongen ti daga." They are best explained by the following paragraphs.

2. MANGGAGAMUD (a witch)

A manggagamud is supposed to be in possession of a bottle of enchanted herbs, "abalbalay" (plaything) and can change himself/herself into an animal as a big pig or a small "ngilaw" fly. It is said that if she dreams of a person, her witchcraft must be directed to that one. It is believed that by taking a piece of the clothing or even of the dust in the footprints of her victim, will make the victim sick. If she places the pieces of clothing under the water jar, the victim will have high fever, but when she places them under the water jar, the victim will have cold.

A "sorcano" (sorcerer) will then be called. The sorcano prescribes some leaves to be prepared as tea, may anoint the patient with oil of his own preparation, or may arrange a bathing of the patient. Some sorcanos have recourse to clairvoyance. A clairvoyant sorcano will order a glass full of water, cover it with a handkerchief from his pocket, and recites with those present some common prayers. Arising, he will open or uncover the glass of water and at the bottom of which some dust, claimed to have come from the "tugot" of the victim, and some little pieces of cloth torn from clothes, supposed to have been taken by the manggagamud. In their faith, the victim often becomes better; although the relapse may not be far off. Consumptives and those afflicted with chronic malaria are victims of these "sorcanos," a prey of "manggagamuds."

3. IN-INNAPET (Sacrificial Dinner)

Virgin lands, exceptionally luxuriant trees, springs, cliffs, etc. are supposed to be the homes of spirits "saan a catatao-an." When a farmer breaks virgin land into a rice field, builds a house in land [a] long time vacant, or clears a forest, it is believed that he annoys these spirits. To forestall their making him sick, or to cure him of sickness which he got from working tirelessly on his new field or house, the people have recourse to "in-innapet," also called "da-ya" or "bu-ni."

In-innapet is a fest spread for spirits. A pig or at least a big chicken will be butchered, the blood of which is to flow on the newly plowed ground. (For fields long under cultivation, the blood is not let on the soil anymore.) Regular rice and "dicket," sticky rice, is to be cooked, the meat also to be cooked but not salted, nor spiced. The rice is to be put on plates — on fine chinaware, the di-ket, and on cheaper plates, the ordinary rice. The meat will be likewise put on


Transcribed from:
History and Cultural Life of the Municipality of Tayum, online at the National Library of the Philippines Digital Collections. The pagination in this transcription is as they appear in the original document.
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